
Heading south on the Drive after being away, I feel a surge of pride—such a beautiful city! I pull out my camera and begin taking pictures of the familiar buildings—the Hancock, the Drake, the Palmolive with its beacon on—the Gold Coast all dressed up for the night. The beauty of Chicago, the myriad things that are right about it, evoke pleasure and pride. The face of Chicago is deceptive, having only grown more beautiful with time. Continue reading
Tag Archives: Politics
Scenarios of a possible presidential run

At dinner the other night, a friend told me she’d read that if Hillary says nothing this month, that means she’s running.
Ah, yes; Hillary, who by dragging her feet is not doing any favors to her party. If she doesn’t run, the decrepit condition of the Democratic party—with respect to both leadership and ideology—will become obvious, handing the Republicans a win.
If Hillary does run, the Republicans with the best shot at defeating her are Jeb Bush or Rand Paul. Some people recoil from the prospect of another Bush presidency. Yet others view Jeb as his own man, someone who’s competent and familiar, yet refreshingly new as a national figure. He would pull masses of moderates—both Republican and unaligned—back to his party. Rand Paul could poll well with both wings of his party, while drawing off disaffected liberals whose concern for certain forms of freedom and whose desire to rein in an overactive and over-militarized state the Democratic Party has ignored for decades.
While many older Democratic ‘skirts and suits’ consider Hillary unbeatable, at this point the idea of a Hillary presidency has gone very stale. We’re tired of it already, and she hasn’t started running. She is great presidential material, but the timing for a run is unpropitious indeed.
Hillary will be particularly vulnerable if she goes unchallenged in the primary. I’ve seen articles seeking to discourage Elizabeth Warren from throwing her hat in the ring. Observers fear that Warren will weaken Hillary’s support while exposing Hillary’s vulnerabilities. Warren’s sudden (and I believe short-lived) ascendancy exposes the strength of popular frustrations that the prevailing centrist brand of Democracy has been ignoring. For that very reason, Warren’s candidacy would strengthen the party and Hillary’s chances, by triggering a much-needed internal dialogue and influencing the positions that Hillary would carry into the general campaign.
Hillary merits the admiration and respect she enjoys today. Can she kindle within herself the fresh ideological vision and spark of political genius that the country needs?
The Nullifiers and Cliven Bundy
Not fifty years had passed before some Americans grew restive under the federal Union.
Back then, in 1832, the unhappy ones were called “nullifiers.” They hailed from South Carolina, and their leader was the redoubtable John C. Calhoun, a senator and out-going Vice President with a good head on his shoulders and plenty of determination. (In the cartoon above, he is the central figure, reaching for the despot’s crown.)
The nullifiers argued that because the states had existed before the federal Union, the states had the right to “nullify,” or say no to, a federal law. Nullifiers believed that the states, which had ratified the Constitution, retained a kind of sovereignty, despite having empowered the federal government and established the Constitution as “the supreme law of the land.”
The down-side of federalism
By the 1830s, Americans were having to grapple with the fact that, under the federal system, their point of view would sometimes be in the minority. Congress would sometimes craft federal laws that defied individual interests or the interests of individual states. The preferences of a state or region could be perennially disregarded unless it could persuade a majority to share its view.
Slave states, in particular, became deathly afraid that, if slave-holding became a minority interest, the federal government could legislate slavery out of existence.
So radicals in South Carolina got busy inventing a school of thought that would justify their disobeying federal laws they didn’t like. As it happened, a political controversy over tariffs rather than slavery furnished their first test case.
Unhappy radicals nullify a federal law
The uproar came over what they called “the tariff of abominations.” Battles over tariff policy were to 19th-century politics what tax issues are to Americans now. In the first century or so of the country’s existence, tariffs, not internal taxes, supplied most of the federal government’s revenue.
Tariffs protected America’s developing economy, which, though burgeoning, was in danger of being cannabalized by mature economic powers like England. So the US imposed many tariffs on imports, both manufactured goods and commodities. Congress drafted and debated tariff legislation every few years, occasioning intense negotiations and bad feelings.
Inevitably, tariffs affected southern and northern interests differently. Tariffs forced southerners, who engaged mainly in agriculture, to pay more for manufactured goods or imports they needed, whereas northerners benefited from the protection given to their emerging industries and to internal trade. In the long term, the South stood to benefit from more goods being produced domestically, but it was not inclined to see it that way. The system of tariffs imposed through federal legislation in 1828 and again in 1832 roused the radicals to defy the so-called “Tariff of Abominations.”
South Carolina’s nullifiers got serious and, on November 24, 1832, used their majority in the state legislature to pass a Nullification Ordinance declaring the national tariff law void. Their action posed a threat to the entire federal system, for what would remain of the Union if every state were allowed to defy a law it didn’t like?
Andrew Jackson, who was president at the time, might have been thought sympathetic to the nullifiers. After all, he was a Southern slave-holder who opposed certain forms of centralized power, such as a national bank. His response to South Carolina, however, was swift and uncompromising: he had Congress pass a Force Bill, empowering him to enforce the federal law by military means if necessary. In the meantime, Henry Clay obtained some concessions in the tariff legislation that made it easier for South Carolina to retreat from its dangerous position without losing face. Jackson never had to use the power the Force Bill gave him. The crisis passed.
Nullification’s baleful legacy
The desire to break free of federalism’s limits continued to disorder the political culture of the Palmetto State. Its radicals never disavowed the anti-federalist temptation. Their principles were still doing damage a generation later, when fire-eaters in South Carolina were the first to take their state out of the Union, claiming that this was every state’s right. Eleven states eventually followed their lead. It took the Civil War and four years of bloodshed to lay to rest the nullifiers’ dangerous doctrines.
When I hear of Cliven Bundy and others who do not wish to abide by federal law, I hear the echoes of the nullifiers. These are Americans ignorant of the tragic consequences of the doctrines they mouth. Federalism, however imperfect, has secured to every American benefits that never would have been attained under a weaker system. Cliven Bundy subverts the values of the flag that he loves to wave. “From the many, one?” He’s forgotten what that means.
Image: An 1833 lithograph by Endicott and Swett correctly envisions the consequences of nullification’s doctrines. Calhoun and other nullifiers mount a pyramid at whose base lie two slain figures, draped in the American flag and the motto “E Pluribus Unum.” They represent the Constitution and the Union. At right is Andrew Jackson, pulling down the nullifier who would ascend from nullification to treason. The kneeling figures at left are modestly circumstanced Southerners, forced to endure whatever may come of the nullifiers’ rash and self-serving deeds. Beyond the top step of the pyramid, labeled Disunion, lies Anarchy.

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A feather in her cap, or a fire in her belly?
A feather in her cap, or a fire in her belly:
Such are the twin engines of a possible Hillary run.
They won’t both fire, though; only one.
If appetite consumed her, she’d have made her decision.
If a feather is her motive, she’ll surely lose.
Mrs Clinton is on tour promoting her book Hard Choices
published by Simon and Schuster.
Small Red House
The South Shore Line, an electric train that runs from South Bend Indiana into Chicago, runs through some of the most beautiful places along Lake Michigan as well as some of the poorest and dirtiest. The simple beauty of the dunes, marshes, and woodlands that line the Lake alternates with a landscape that industry and humble labor of many sorts have shaped.
The train runs along the beautiful old Calumet Trail, a prairie path that has existed since Indian times, following the curve of the Lake across boundaries separating town from country, blurring the distinctions of ownership and governing. All of northern Indiana and Chicago’s southern hinterland are seamlessly joined. On both sides of the train flow thousands of properties—neat and messy, beautiful and ugly, thriving and moldering—suggesting every condition of American society.
It’s a hard train ride because so many neighborhoods are decrepit and decaying. So many places—and people—are just scraping by. Our America is not a spotless picture-perfect place. Off the political grid are thousands of people subsisting in garbage-strewn trailer parks, or living in ramshackle housing with windows missing. They are exiles from the land of opportunity. Embarrassing aberrations with no place in the progressive narrative of the world’s greatest nation, they are geniuses of survival, disciples of the art of making something out of nothing. With luck, every day is the same, where social isolation limns the horizon.
Is this the nation our forebears intended us to become?
